Global Campus Arab World: DEMA --->ARMA

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https://reponew.gchumanrights.org/handle/20.500.11825/564
Arab Master in Democracy and Human Rights Theses / Internship Reports written in partial fulfilment of master's degree

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Browsing Global Campus Arab World: DEMA --->ARMA by Title

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    The 2016 reform on Islamic education textbooks in Morocco : the strategy used by the reform to implement a “more tolerant” Islam
    ( 2017) Boustany, Razane ; Gunn, Jeremy
    In 2016, a commission working under the supervision of the Moroccan Ministry of Education completed a revision of the textbooks and curricula for the teaching of Islam in public schools. This change was very controversial among the experts and teachers of Islamic education, which raised a lot of questions concerning the effectiveness and the significance of this reform. In fact, it was made upon the request of the King Mohammad VI, who wanted to promote a “more moderate” Islam. This study, which is based on a careful review of selected textbooks before and after the reform, seeks to underline first, the different issues pointed out in the public debate to better understand the direction taken by the reform. Second, it exposes a comparative study of six textbooks underlining exactly what the changes were to the curriculum, was it on the level of the structure or the content of the textbooks. Finally, it will put into relation the different elements found in the first two parts in order analyze the strategy used by the Ministry of Education, in the reform of 2016, to promote a “more moderate” Islam.
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    The adoption of the prevention of torture as a public policy in Morocco
    ( 2016) Nsiri, Khouloud ; Omary, Zineb
    This report describes the research that I conducted during a two months internship at the Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies in Rabat, Morocco. I started by examining the process of democratization in Morocco while focusing on the relative openness of the regime right after the years of lead and the adoption of a set of reforms supported by a strong popular movements .In the first chapter I explain the role of the new institutions adopted in the country in preventing torture : I underlined the role of the Equity and Reconciliation commission in setting the atmosphere for a national reconciliation to a certain extent and the responsibility of the state in past human rights abuses. I also present in the same chapter an analysis of the role of the National Human Rights institution and the challenges it may face while holding the mandate of the national preventive mechanism . In the second part I go through the new constitutional safeguards to prevent torture . and the impact of the adherence of Morocco to the Optional Protocol to the convention against Torture .Finally I proceed to an overall assessment of the new draft law for the organization of Penitentiary institutions and the areas where it can contribute once adopted to the prevention of torture in Morocco. After analyzing the legislative and institutional reforms I suggest recommendations to help remedy the weaknesses and emphasize the strengths of the actual policy of the prevention of torture.
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    Beyond occupation. A NGO perspective : apartheid, settler colonialism and ethnic cleansing in the OPT.
    ( 2016) Muston, Carlotta ; Al - Botmeh, Reem
    This report is the outcome of the period spent as an intern at the Grassroots Anti-Apartheid Wall Campaign. Based on the activities undertaken throughout the internship, this report shows evidence of how the policies implemented by Israel in the OPTs urgently need to be internationally recognised as enforcement of Apartheid, Settler Colonialism and Ethnic Cleansing. The analysis provided will insist that the framework of Occupation is not enough to understand the reality of the OPTs. The focus on the cluster of policies implemented by Israel, shall describe the systematic institutionalisation of an oppressive regime aimed to seize the land, while pushing Palestinians in Ghettos and Bantustans. International Law provides notions that suite and can be applied to the case of the OPT. The failure by the International Community to recognise and embrace such framework undermines the strength of the International Community, favouring political reasons over Human Rights’ ones. If the International Community, will not take a stand against Israel’s conduct, Area C of the OPTs will soon be annexed by Israel, while confining Palestinians in Area A and B of the OPTs.
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    Civil society in exile, reconciliation and the future of Syria: the role of the emerging Syrian civil society in Lebanon
    ( 2015) Welander, Marta ; Itani, Hala
    As the polarised violent conflict in Syria continues without end in sight, Syrians continue to flee into neighbouring countries in search of safety and security. The displacement of Syrians en masse into Lebanon over the past few years means that there are now Syrians from a wide variety of socioeconomic, sectarian and ethnic backgrounds, together forming a microcosm of Syrian society in Lebanon. Within this exiled population, many Syrians with strong entrepreneurial abilities from different political projects have taken the opportunity presented by the relatively enabling civil society environment in Lebanon to set up different forms of civil society groups. While no official register of these organisations exists, field research in Akkar, Beirut, Bekaa Valley, Shatila, and Tripoli, managed to identify a total of 34 Syrian-led civil society actors across Lebanon. Fourteen of these groups were examined more closely, through interviews and direct observations. The majority of the researched Syrian actors work in response to the suffering of fellow Syrian refugees, while some focus on easing the tension between Syrians and their Lebanese host communities, and others yet again conduct and disseminate research. The research suggests that Syrian civil society in Lebanon ought not to be misunderstood as merely a form of charitable service provision or temporary pastime activities of exiled Syrians. Rather, the analysis of the research findings suggests that the emergence of a Syrian civil society in exile presents a unique phenomenon. Instead of waiting passively for a ceasefire and a political settlement to be reached, these Syrian groups are seizing the opportunity to develop and grow as civil society actors in exile, hoping to play a role in rebuilding Syria at a later stage. However, the emerging civil society will require international support in order to sustain its work and develop organically. While the international community can play an important role in this context, it needs to recognise the specific and fragile circumstances in which the Syrian civil society actors are operating. A number of concrete recommendations are derived from the research findings, proposing ways in which the international community could support the emerging Syrian civil society in exile.
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    Economic reconciliation in the context of transitional justice in Tunisia
    ( 2017) Sharif, Salma ; Mzoughi, Chaker
    In spite of its existence since the development of the transitional justice in Tunisia; an increasing attention has been built up in the country as well as on the international level during the past three years regarding a new form of economic reconciliation in Tunisia due to a proposed initiative by the presidency and its anticipated effects on the community and on the outcomes of the transitional justice. This up-growing attention was the result of different parties within the Tunisian community that have initiated a strong opposition movement regarding this newly developed proposition. This movement is comprised of various efforts and approaches aiming at, mainly, rejecting an initiative that is considered to promote impunity. Consequently, the efforts were translated into a wide national movement that reflected the high sense of cooperation between different actors regardless of their diverse backgrounds. Though Tunisia has been considered as a promising example for adopting different anti-corruption policies after the Revolution, the current situation indicates that such policies were neither enough nor serious to essentially serve the goals of transitional justice. Therefore, obviously another approach has to be adopted in order to serve and achieve the goals of both the Revolution and transitional justice.
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    Election framework for the House of Representatives (HoR) in Morocco : analyzing the HoR Election Law and Observation Law in Morocco
    ( 2016) Yousef, Emad ; El Hassani Sbai, Mohammed Ali ; Internship report: Conseil National des Droits de l'Homme (CNDH)
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    Ennahda’s democratic Islam: between pragmatism and neo-political Islam
    ( 2017) Hajar, Yasmine Jamal ; Mzoughi, Chaker
    Recently, the Tunisian Islamist party Ennahda has announced a break up with Political Islam and the start of new phase of Democratic Islam (al-Islām al-dimuqrāṭī). This study is questioning the emerged concept of Democratic Islam. Making use of primary and secondary materials, the author will indulge in the history of Ennahda with focus on the political shifts the party has undertaken since its initiation in the early seventies. The author will also analyze the political attitude of the party in the context of post-revolution. This study could be described as a comparative one as it will include a comparison of Ennahda’s ideological thoughts with the authentic thoughts of the Ikhwani ideologues, Hasan Al-Banna and Sayyed Qutb, to analyze the changes that have been conducted by the party under its new claimed ideology. The purpose of this study is to show whether the step undertaken by Ennahda through adopting the so-called Democratic Islam is a sign of neo-political Islam or it is just a pragmatic step taken by Ennahda to yield itself to realpolitik, aiming at consolidating itself in power and not to repeat the years of political exclusion under Bourguiba and Bin Ali. Keywords: Ennahda, Tunisia, Pragmatism, Political Islam, Islam, Democracy, Democratic Islam, Ikhwan, Realpolitik.
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    The EU and the Palestinian minority in Israel
    ( 2015) Cardarelli, Cristina ; Azarov, Valentina
    The EU is a major actor on the global scene. In foreign policy, it has a predisposition to act normatively, by exporting norms and making states comply with them. However, this is not always the case as the EU-Israeli relations demonstrate. In particular, an analysis of the EU approach towards the Palestinian minority in Israel will question the true potential of EU normative power to bring about concrete change – and discover the genuine human rights concerns that drive EU external actions. Despite the fact that the EU has not been totally insensitive towards the minority, no consistent polices have been developed so far. This is mostly due to two reasons: the existence of weak legal framework on minority rights and the close interconnection between the status of the minority and the Jewish character of Israel. Because of that, EU actions have been mostly driven by cost-benefit calculations, rather than norms. However, a reconceptualization of the minority is needed. On one hand, a deeper engagement with it will close the gap between EU declarations and actions. On the other hand, by implementing the status of the minority there is possibility to re-discuss the Jewish character of Israel from within.
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    Evaluating and suggesting an adjusted shape of DE.MA program
    ( 2015) Saoud, Mohamad Alhussein ; Benoît-Rohmer, Florence
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    Finding implementation gaps of child protection strategic response for Syrian refugees based on changing needs and situation in Lebanon
    ( 2017) Aftab, Maria ; Lahoud Tatar, Carine
    Syrian refugee crises have been observed as one of the worst form of man-made crises of the time and ever seen in history. Six years of war have turned the whole country in to ruins and its people as largest group of refugees of the time. Now half of the population of these displaced persons is children and youth. This 50% of refugee is future of not only Syria but also future that will contribute to the stability, peace and harmony of the region as well as of the world that has already proven the side effects of unstable region on another. Now as humanitarian concern, UNICEF along with other international organizations and donors has developed strategic plans at regional and global level in order to preserve the basic rights of these vulnerable young Syrian refugees in accordance with UNCRC. More than 5 Million Syrian Refugees have been registered in neighboring countries out of which 50% is children and youth. Lebanon is the second largest Syrian refugees host country in the region where the situation remains speculative. A country of 4.4 million inhabitants, is hosting around 1.5 million Syrian refugees (registered), 42 000 Palestinian refugees from Syria, 6 000 Iraqi refugees and nearly 450 000 refugees from Palestine. This makes it the highest per-capita concentration of refugees worldwide, where one person out of four is a refugee. On the other hand, Lebanon is still collecting pieces from a long run sectorial Civil and political wars across border. Broken infrastructure is clearly depicting the effects of civil war. Economy has shattered. Unemployment among youth has increased. Since 2001, there is huge influx of refugees which Lebanese authorities were not prepared for. Poverty level among majority of Lebanese is worse than Syrian and other refugees in Lebanon. Due to historical situations and presence of different sectorial groups , there are multiple hurdles to humanitarian response and its complicating the situation in a way that almost 80% of children are out of school with an increasing rate of drop outs and on the other side harmful child labor, child prostitution, recruitment of young soldiers are dangerously increasing . This research paper re-evaluates the situation according to the changing context and need of the response. There is need to develop a more holistic, innovative, and sustainable solution that brings rapid solution to the current situation along with preventive approaches to fight the risks of the future. An integrated Child protection response will be a more comprehensive approach but in order to more specifically address the issue of stable and developed future , there is need of collective multiple peace keeping strategic responses to avoid the security concerns and maintain stable harmonized society , in result an assurance to a better stable future of child.
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    Freedom of expression and opinion : case study Palestine, Morocco
    ( 2015) Namari, Razan ; el-Ahmadi, Mohsine